Volume 23, Issue 89 (8-2023)
refahj 2023, 23(89): 165-206 |
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Zandi-Navgran L, Askari-Nodoushan A, Sadeghi R, Afrasiabi H, Abbasi-Shavazi M J. (2023). Identity Integration of Afghan Immigrants in Iran: A Grounded Theory Study. refahj. 23(89), 165-206. doi:10.32598/refahj.23.89.4154.1
URL: http://refahj.uswr.ac.ir/article-1-4084-en.html
URL: http://refahj.uswr.ac.ir/article-1-4084-en.html
Leila Zandi-Navgran 
, Abbas Askari-Nodoushan * , Rasoul Sadeghi , Hossein Afrasiabi , Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi
, Abbas Askari-Nodoushan * , Rasoul Sadeghi , Hossein Afrasiabi , Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi
Keywords: Social identity, Identity integration, Identity transmission, Integration of Afghan immigrants
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Introduction
Iran has hosted foreign immigrants, mostly Afghans and Iraqis, during the past four decades. The number of Afghan refugees registered by the UN Refugee Agency in 2021 (UNHCR 2021), shows that Iran among other countries, is the second-largest destination for Afghan refugees after Pakistan and hosts the largest urban refugee population in the world. According to the international estimates, about 780,000 Afghan refugees and about 586,000 Afghan passport holders lived in Iran. It is also estimated that about 2.6 million undocumented Afghans live in Iran (UNHCR, 2021). Results of the 2016 national census, there are 1.5 million Afghan refugees in Iran. More than half of these immigrants were born in Iran and can be recognized as second-generation immigrants (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi 2016). About 96% of foreign immigrants living in Iran are Afghans, who make up less than 3% of Iran's population. It has been more than four decades since Afghan immigrants entered Iran. Although second-generation Afghan immigrants have a higher economic and social status than first-generation immigrants, they still have a 35% pattern of socio-cultural integration (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi, 2014). Therefore, it seems that in the context of social and cultural adaptation of immigrants in Iranian society, there are various challenges and obstacles concerning identity integration by Afghan immigrants.
The aim of present paper is to explore how the identity integration experienced by the first- and second-generation Afghan immigrants in Iran. Using data collected through a fieldwork in the cities of Yazd and Tehran, this paper seeks to answer following questions: What is the pattern of identity integration among first and second-generation Afghan immigrants in Iran? And how does the identity of immigrants shape the process of their integration?
Method
The research has been conducted within the framework of a constructivist approach using Grounded Theory (GT) research method. The sampling method was purposeful and snowball. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 45 participants in cities of Yazd and Tehran. Interviews were conducted from July 2021 to late April 2022. Following the principle of maximum diversity, an attempt was made to have a variety of people in the sample. The interviews lasted an average of three and a half hours. Interviews were conducted in cafes, and public places (such as schools, parks, etc.). Some interviews were also conducted in combination. Because some of the interviews, which required additional information or re-visiting to complete the data, online communication was used in some cases, with the help of social media. In this study, a Grounded Theory analysis strategy was used. The study focused all its attention on data interpretation and instead of using the linear method, it used the circular method (continuous round trip between data collection and analysis) and sought to discover common or contradictory themes. This study emphasized the understanding of context and time, remained faithful to the views of respondents, and had an inductive orientation. MAXQDA software package was used to analyze the data.
Findings
Data were analyzed using GT coding (open, axial, and selective coding schema). Eight main categories obtained from analysis of data. These categories include fear of identity expression, Iranian Identification, identity concealment, identity crisis, comparison with Iranian peers, sense of belonging to ethnic identity, and comparison with Afghan peers. By summarizing the main categories, "identity purgatory" was obtained as the final core category.
Discussion
According to the results, the migrants sometimes hide their identities and were concerned about expressing their ethnic identity as Afghans. Data analysis show that one of the important elements in the ethnic and social identity integration of migrants is their interaction with members of the host society. When these interactions are positive, migrants tend to be attracted or integrated. But when these interactions are negative, migrants feel marginalization, which create politicized identities associated with intergroup conflict. It seems that social and cultural environment has not led to much positive and constructive interaction between migrants and host society. The migrants stated that the host society did not accept them as citizens and that they were still viewed as Afghans. According to social identity theory and the reject-identity model, discrimination and negative experiences with members of the host society lead to a decrease in identification with national (Iranian) identity. Individual preferences are then formed according to these judgments. Migrants' perceptions of discrimination may strengthen their ethnic identity and may even become an obstacle to adaptation to national identity. This phenomenon can create ethnic or group borders. Even third and fourth-generation immigrants can be seen as foreigners in some cases and they will be indifferent to the future of the host society.
First-generation immigrants tend to prefer a national-origin (Afghan) identity, while second-generation immigrants often see themselves as a young immigrant, uncertain person, or intermediate. Second-generation immigrants are expected to have a dual (Iranian-Afghan) identity, but such an identity has not been formed. Thus, the process of identity integration has not been an intergenerational process. On the other hand, identity transmission has not taken shape between first and second-generation migrants. Accepting destination identity has positive consequences for education, participation in the labor market, and a sense of integration in the host society. Further identification with national (Iranian) or dual (Iranian-Afghan) identities creates the feeling that they are integrated into Iranian society. Research in Spain, Marseille, and Norway, for example, shows that dual and national identity is formed among immigrants, and the more migrants assert their national identity and dual identity, the more they feel integrated into the host society (Boland 2020, Leonol 2021, & Stockmer & Moreno 2021). But According to the narration of the participants in this study, a strong hybrid and national identity have not been formed among the first and second-generation Afghan migrants in Iran. According to Barth's (1969) multilevel approach, the formation of such an identity depends on interpersonal interactions at the micro-level, intermediate-level processes for creating communities, and ultimately the role of government at the macro level.
In Iran, although it has hosted Afghan immigrants for more than four decades, but still the migrants face legal and citizenship restrictions, and there are no specific policies for identity integration. As a result, migrants will not have a strong identification with national (Iranian) identity. Such a policy vacuum will affect the process of integration and adaptation of immigrants in Iranian society, and immigrants will be indifferent to the future of Iranian society, or, immigrants will be looking to depart to another destination.
Ethical Considerations:
Authors’ contributions
All authors contributed in designing, running, and writing all parts of the research.
Acknowledgments:
This paper is based on the first author's PhD dissertation in demography at Yazd University. The first author conducted part of the research as a visiting scholar at the University of Tehran. We are grateful to the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Department of Demography at the University of Tehran for their support and assistance. We also appreciate the funding from the Center for Strategic Studies and Training as well as Deputy for Management Development & Resources.
Conflicts of interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Following the ethics of research:
This paper adheres to the ethical principles and has been approved by the Research Ethics Committee of Yazd University (approval date: 2022-07-04; approval code: IR.YAZD.REC.1401.025).
Iran has hosted foreign immigrants, mostly Afghans and Iraqis, during the past four decades. The number of Afghan refugees registered by the UN Refugee Agency in 2021 (UNHCR 2021), shows that Iran among other countries, is the second-largest destination for Afghan refugees after Pakistan and hosts the largest urban refugee population in the world. According to the international estimates, about 780,000 Afghan refugees and about 586,000 Afghan passport holders lived in Iran. It is also estimated that about 2.6 million undocumented Afghans live in Iran (UNHCR, 2021). Results of the 2016 national census, there are 1.5 million Afghan refugees in Iran. More than half of these immigrants were born in Iran and can be recognized as second-generation immigrants (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi 2016). About 96% of foreign immigrants living in Iran are Afghans, who make up less than 3% of Iran's population. It has been more than four decades since Afghan immigrants entered Iran. Although second-generation Afghan immigrants have a higher economic and social status than first-generation immigrants, they still have a 35% pattern of socio-cultural integration (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi, 2014). Therefore, it seems that in the context of social and cultural adaptation of immigrants in Iranian society, there are various challenges and obstacles concerning identity integration by Afghan immigrants.
The aim of present paper is to explore how the identity integration experienced by the first- and second-generation Afghan immigrants in Iran. Using data collected through a fieldwork in the cities of Yazd and Tehran, this paper seeks to answer following questions: What is the pattern of identity integration among first and second-generation Afghan immigrants in Iran? And how does the identity of immigrants shape the process of their integration?
Method
The research has been conducted within the framework of a constructivist approach using Grounded Theory (GT) research method. The sampling method was purposeful and snowball. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 45 participants in cities of Yazd and Tehran. Interviews were conducted from July 2021 to late April 2022. Following the principle of maximum diversity, an attempt was made to have a variety of people in the sample. The interviews lasted an average of three and a half hours. Interviews were conducted in cafes, and public places (such as schools, parks, etc.). Some interviews were also conducted in combination. Because some of the interviews, which required additional information or re-visiting to complete the data, online communication was used in some cases, with the help of social media. In this study, a Grounded Theory analysis strategy was used. The study focused all its attention on data interpretation and instead of using the linear method, it used the circular method (continuous round trip between data collection and analysis) and sought to discover common or contradictory themes. This study emphasized the understanding of context and time, remained faithful to the views of respondents, and had an inductive orientation. MAXQDA software package was used to analyze the data.
Findings
Data were analyzed using GT coding (open, axial, and selective coding schema). Eight main categories obtained from analysis of data. These categories include fear of identity expression, Iranian Identification, identity concealment, identity crisis, comparison with Iranian peers, sense of belonging to ethnic identity, and comparison with Afghan peers. By summarizing the main categories, "identity purgatory" was obtained as the final core category.
Discussion
According to the results, the migrants sometimes hide their identities and were concerned about expressing their ethnic identity as Afghans. Data analysis show that one of the important elements in the ethnic and social identity integration of migrants is their interaction with members of the host society. When these interactions are positive, migrants tend to be attracted or integrated. But when these interactions are negative, migrants feel marginalization, which create politicized identities associated with intergroup conflict. It seems that social and cultural environment has not led to much positive and constructive interaction between migrants and host society. The migrants stated that the host society did not accept them as citizens and that they were still viewed as Afghans. According to social identity theory and the reject-identity model, discrimination and negative experiences with members of the host society lead to a decrease in identification with national (Iranian) identity. Individual preferences are then formed according to these judgments. Migrants' perceptions of discrimination may strengthen their ethnic identity and may even become an obstacle to adaptation to national identity. This phenomenon can create ethnic or group borders. Even third and fourth-generation immigrants can be seen as foreigners in some cases and they will be indifferent to the future of the host society.
First-generation immigrants tend to prefer a national-origin (Afghan) identity, while second-generation immigrants often see themselves as a young immigrant, uncertain person, or intermediate. Second-generation immigrants are expected to have a dual (Iranian-Afghan) identity, but such an identity has not been formed. Thus, the process of identity integration has not been an intergenerational process. On the other hand, identity transmission has not taken shape between first and second-generation migrants. Accepting destination identity has positive consequences for education, participation in the labor market, and a sense of integration in the host society. Further identification with national (Iranian) or dual (Iranian-Afghan) identities creates the feeling that they are integrated into Iranian society. Research in Spain, Marseille, and Norway, for example, shows that dual and national identity is formed among immigrants, and the more migrants assert their national identity and dual identity, the more they feel integrated into the host society (Boland 2020, Leonol 2021, & Stockmer & Moreno 2021). But According to the narration of the participants in this study, a strong hybrid and national identity have not been formed among the first and second-generation Afghan migrants in Iran. According to Barth's (1969) multilevel approach, the formation of such an identity depends on interpersonal interactions at the micro-level, intermediate-level processes for creating communities, and ultimately the role of government at the macro level.
In Iran, although it has hosted Afghan immigrants for more than four decades, but still the migrants face legal and citizenship restrictions, and there are no specific policies for identity integration. As a result, migrants will not have a strong identification with national (Iranian) identity. Such a policy vacuum will affect the process of integration and adaptation of immigrants in Iranian society, and immigrants will be indifferent to the future of Iranian society, or, immigrants will be looking to depart to another destination.
Ethical Considerations:
Authors’ contributions
All authors contributed in designing, running, and writing all parts of the research.
Acknowledgments:
This paper is based on the first author's PhD dissertation in demography at Yazd University. The first author conducted part of the research as a visiting scholar at the University of Tehran. We are grateful to the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Department of Demography at the University of Tehran for their support and assistance. We also appreciate the funding from the Center for Strategic Studies and Training as well as Deputy for Management Development & Resources.
Conflicts of interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Following the ethics of research:
This paper adheres to the ethical principles and has been approved by the Research Ethics Committee of Yazd University (approval date: 2022-07-04; approval code: IR.YAZD.REC.1401.025).
Type of Study: orginal |
Received: 2022/06/11 | Accepted: 2022/12/31 | Published: 2023/08/15
Received: 2022/06/11 | Accepted: 2022/12/31 | Published: 2023/08/15
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