Volume 23, Issue 89 (8-2023)
refahj 2023, 23(89): 77-127 |
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zakeri A, fouladiyan M, moghaddam M. (2023). Representation of urban subalterns in Ettela'at newspaper(۱۹۲۶-۱۹۵۳): inefficient state and powerless subjects in struggle for survival. refahj. 23(89), 77-127. doi:10.32598/refahj.23.89.2940.4
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Introduction: The representation of subalterns in textual narratives significantly shapes their social existence. Analyzing how subalterns are portrayed in texts provides insights into the perspectives of the authors regarding subalterns and their comprehension of them. Within contemporary Iranian history, two distinct trends in representation of subalterns stand out. The first trend, influenced by literature from the Russian Revolution and European trade :union:ism and organizational socialism, emphasizes worker parties, :union:s, and activists. Notable Iranian historians, like Khosrow Shakeri, Habib Lajevardi, and Mohammad Hossein Khosrowpanah exemplify this approach. The second trend, influenced by European historians like E.P. Thompson, focuses on ordinary subalterns who are often unnoticed and unnamed in history, termed the "social history of subalterns." Iranian scholars such as Ervand Abrahamian, Stefanie Cronin, Asef Bayat, Touraj Atabaki, and Mohammad Maljoo contribute to this tradition.
However, while the "social historiography of subalterns" sheds light on their lives, it often lacks critical analysis of their experiences. This narrative portrays subalterns' lives as dynamic, highlighting forms of resistance, yet marginalizing the ongoing exploitation they face and their limited agency. This perspective is uncritical and by using Lukács’ concept of “Tailism”: intellectuals following the masses, we can have a critical view of it. This perspective stems from misinterpretations of Thompson’s work. Thompson’s nuanced historical analysis contrasts with the oversimplified positive narrative adopted by some Iranian scholars. Hence, this article seeks to break from this trend, aiming to offer a critical social historiography of subalterns within the larger framework of social sciences.
This uncritical view seems to be the product of two misunderstandings of Thompson’s writings. First, Thompson is a writer of long-term history and presents his assessment of the development of the working class and the subjectivity of the ordinary subaltern people in a long-term history. While writing this long-term history, Thompson has repeatedly pointed out subalterns’ occasional errors and has not lost his critical view of them. However, Iranian writers influenced by Thompson have often studied a short period of history and to a large extent have ignored Thompson’s critical view. On the other hand, constructing “essence” - even if hidden and unspecified - from the results of Thompson’s “historical” study has caused Iranian researchers to assume concepts such as spontaneity, creativity, activism, and moral economy as the “essence” of subalterns, looking for these features in every moment of history. In this way, one of the most important characteristics of Thompson’s tradition, the belief in the contingency of history and its possibilities, is repudiated this time in favor of presenting a positive narrative of subalterns. It should not be forgotten that it was the narrator of the formation of the working class in England during one of its most brilliant periods, i.e., 1780-1832, and not the narrator of the experience of ß subalterns in all history and all societies.
Therefore, in terms of a break from the necessarily tradition of writing the history of parties
and official activists of the working class, the present paper is in line with the
“social historiography of subalterns” and deals with the ordinary subalterns in
the cities in the era since the beginning of the century and the coup d’etat of August 28, 1953. However, since the tradition of “social historiography of subalterns” in Iran often lacks a critical view towards subalterns, this paper distances itself from this tradition.
In our opinion, abandoning theoretical concepts such as “alienation” and “ideology” and neglecting the empirical role of religion in the social life of subalterns have prevented the social historians of these groups in Iran from attending to an important part of the social life of subalterns. In addition, relinquishing the concept of “totality” has rendered many of the everyday actions of the oppressed people as “resistance,” regardless of their effect, or lack thereof, on the totality of social structures. We seek to take account of these issues and try to foster a kind of “critical social historiography of subalterns” in continuity with critical traditions in social sciences.
Method: This paper primarily aims to uncover the representation of urban subalterns in government newspapers, revealing the bureaucratic perspective on this issue. The analysis draws from various issues of the "Ettela’at" daily across different years. Additionally, the paper examines how urban subalterns have interacted with the government during this period, as depicted in the same newspaper. The focus centers on Tehran's subaltern population. This research covers all issues of the newspaper from its inception in 1926 until the August 28, 1953, coup d'état. In addition, we have studied the deliberations of the National Assembly as well as other sources such as Mohsen Hesam Mazaheri’s research on the representation of religious rituals in the Ettela’at newspaper. The years 1926 to 1953 are crucial due to the establishment of modern absolutist government in Iran and the shifts in urban subaltern dynamics during this period which concludes with the first migration wave from the countryside (1941 to 1953).
Findings: Urban subalterns are most visible during crises, often being collected and returned to their places of origin and occasionally assigned temporary jobs, constantly subject to royal scrutiny. The interaction between governments and urban subalterns can be understood through the "dialectic of inefficiency," whereby economic crises along with the inefficiency of governments in protecting national interests or effectual economic interventions facilitate the formation of urban slums. Notably, economic crises strengthen repressive policies towards urban subalterns. Reformist policies can be observed only in departure from economic crises. In terms of the interaction between urban subalterns and the government, in the absence of basic life necessities such as work and bread, their focus is primarily on survival. They cannot think, let alone achieving their goals, beyond the confines of this immediate struggle.
Discussion: This struggle for survival, identified by Muhammad Maljoo as “passive agency” (2021) and a few decades earlier as “the quiet encroachment of ordinary people” by Asef Bayat, results in minimal changes to their circumstances. Subalterns' struggle for survival lacks the capacity to create substantial change, despite their passive activity and incremental progress, the crisis of work and bread hunts them to the last day of their lives. Factors like education, literacy, and health constraints contribute to their limited agency and prevent them from understanding the reasons behind their plight. They can be regarded as self-alienated “powerless subjects” with limited agency. While some “subjectivity” could be attributed to them in their activism, this latter falls short of instigating meaningful change in the status quo. Religion often exacerbates their self-alienation and aligns them with forces that influence their destiny. The growth of religious rituals among subalterns in the 1940s and beyond doesn't necessarily correspond to increased awareness of their social status. Subalterns' religious practices in the 1940s and 1950s, guided by preachers, differ from the religion of intellectuals, with significant but understudied implications for politics.
In conclusion, this article strives to challenge the oversimplified portrayal of subalterns’ actions as resistance and highlights the need for deeper investigations into concepts like "alienation" and "resistance," suggesting that more emphasis should be made on the role of organization and education among subalterns.
However, while the "social historiography of subalterns" sheds light on their lives, it often lacks critical analysis of their experiences. This narrative portrays subalterns' lives as dynamic, highlighting forms of resistance, yet marginalizing the ongoing exploitation they face and their limited agency. This perspective is uncritical and by using Lukács’ concept of “Tailism”: intellectuals following the masses, we can have a critical view of it. This perspective stems from misinterpretations of Thompson’s work. Thompson’s nuanced historical analysis contrasts with the oversimplified positive narrative adopted by some Iranian scholars. Hence, this article seeks to break from this trend, aiming to offer a critical social historiography of subalterns within the larger framework of social sciences.
This uncritical view seems to be the product of two misunderstandings of Thompson’s writings. First, Thompson is a writer of long-term history and presents his assessment of the development of the working class and the subjectivity of the ordinary subaltern people in a long-term history. While writing this long-term history, Thompson has repeatedly pointed out subalterns’ occasional errors and has not lost his critical view of them. However, Iranian writers influenced by Thompson have often studied a short period of history and to a large extent have ignored Thompson’s critical view. On the other hand, constructing “essence” - even if hidden and unspecified - from the results of Thompson’s “historical” study has caused Iranian researchers to assume concepts such as spontaneity, creativity, activism, and moral economy as the “essence” of subalterns, looking for these features in every moment of history. In this way, one of the most important characteristics of Thompson’s tradition, the belief in the contingency of history and its possibilities, is repudiated this time in favor of presenting a positive narrative of subalterns. It should not be forgotten that it was the narrator of the formation of the working class in England during one of its most brilliant periods, i.e., 1780-1832, and not the narrator of the experience of ß subalterns in all history and all societies.
Therefore, in terms of a break from the necessarily tradition of writing the history of parties
and official activists of the working class, the present paper is in line with the
“social historiography of subalterns” and deals with the ordinary subalterns in
the cities in the era since the beginning of the century and the coup d’etat of August 28, 1953. However, since the tradition of “social historiography of subalterns” in Iran often lacks a critical view towards subalterns, this paper distances itself from this tradition.
In our opinion, abandoning theoretical concepts such as “alienation” and “ideology” and neglecting the empirical role of religion in the social life of subalterns have prevented the social historians of these groups in Iran from attending to an important part of the social life of subalterns. In addition, relinquishing the concept of “totality” has rendered many of the everyday actions of the oppressed people as “resistance,” regardless of their effect, or lack thereof, on the totality of social structures. We seek to take account of these issues and try to foster a kind of “critical social historiography of subalterns” in continuity with critical traditions in social sciences.
Method: This paper primarily aims to uncover the representation of urban subalterns in government newspapers, revealing the bureaucratic perspective on this issue. The analysis draws from various issues of the "Ettela’at" daily across different years. Additionally, the paper examines how urban subalterns have interacted with the government during this period, as depicted in the same newspaper. The focus centers on Tehran's subaltern population. This research covers all issues of the newspaper from its inception in 1926 until the August 28, 1953, coup d'état. In addition, we have studied the deliberations of the National Assembly as well as other sources such as Mohsen Hesam Mazaheri’s research on the representation of religious rituals in the Ettela’at newspaper. The years 1926 to 1953 are crucial due to the establishment of modern absolutist government in Iran and the shifts in urban subaltern dynamics during this period which concludes with the first migration wave from the countryside (1941 to 1953).
Findings: Urban subalterns are most visible during crises, often being collected and returned to their places of origin and occasionally assigned temporary jobs, constantly subject to royal scrutiny. The interaction between governments and urban subalterns can be understood through the "dialectic of inefficiency," whereby economic crises along with the inefficiency of governments in protecting national interests or effectual economic interventions facilitate the formation of urban slums. Notably, economic crises strengthen repressive policies towards urban subalterns. Reformist policies can be observed only in departure from economic crises. In terms of the interaction between urban subalterns and the government, in the absence of basic life necessities such as work and bread, their focus is primarily on survival. They cannot think, let alone achieving their goals, beyond the confines of this immediate struggle.
Discussion: This struggle for survival, identified by Muhammad Maljoo as “passive agency” (2021) and a few decades earlier as “the quiet encroachment of ordinary people” by Asef Bayat, results in minimal changes to their circumstances. Subalterns' struggle for survival lacks the capacity to create substantial change, despite their passive activity and incremental progress, the crisis of work and bread hunts them to the last day of their lives. Factors like education, literacy, and health constraints contribute to their limited agency and prevent them from understanding the reasons behind their plight. They can be regarded as self-alienated “powerless subjects” with limited agency. While some “subjectivity” could be attributed to them in their activism, this latter falls short of instigating meaningful change in the status quo. Religion often exacerbates their self-alienation and aligns them with forces that influence their destiny. The growth of religious rituals among subalterns in the 1940s and beyond doesn't necessarily correspond to increased awareness of their social status. Subalterns' religious practices in the 1940s and 1950s, guided by preachers, differ from the religion of intellectuals, with significant but understudied implications for politics.
In conclusion, this article strives to challenge the oversimplified portrayal of subalterns’ actions as resistance and highlights the need for deeper investigations into concepts like "alienation" and "resistance," suggesting that more emphasis should be made on the role of organization and education among subalterns.
Type of Study: orginal |
Received: 2022/09/15 | Accepted: 2023/05/10 | Published: 2023/08/15
Received: 2022/09/15 | Accepted: 2023/05/10 | Published: 2023/08/15
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